By September 2003 the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation has registered 48 political parties, (two of them - "Socialist national party of Russia ", the chairman Nikolaj Gulbinski and " New communist party", the chairman Andrej Brezhnev – have failed to form the necessary number of regional branches in regions, have decided to transform into the public associations and have not been listed in the register of political parties) and 20 all-Russian public movements.

Let's notice, a year ago, 23 political parties had registration, and according to the interview of Alexander Veshnyakov (the chief of the Central election committee of Russia) with ITAR-TASS in July only 8 parties had complete registration to take part in election campaign. (He has explained, that complete registration had only those parties, that had representatives in more than a half of the subjects of the Russian Federation).

However, by September 2003 44 parties and 20 public movements have already received the right to participate in election campaign to the State Duma of Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fourth convocation, which were held on December 7, 2003. (See appendix № 1).

As a matter of fact, not all parties participated in the elections, some of them have refused to take part in the election campaign at once, and others (for example, “Conservative party of Russia”, the party "Union" and the party "National-Patriotic forces of the Russian Federation") have announced their refusal just after the approval of the lists of the candidates in the CEC. 12 parties and some movements ("Agrarian Russia", "Motorist movement of Russia", and others) were united into five electoral blocks.

All in all, in the election campaign of 2003 took part 23 parties and blocks (18 political parties and 5 electoral blocks were included into the voting papers) (see appendix № 2).

Officially pre-election campaign began on the first of September. [1]. Actually at once some party congresses took place, which made up the federal and regional party lists and which have announced the staff of three leaders in every party. It has allowed the ACRPO researchers while forecasting, to show to the respondents the real lists of parties, going to participate in the elections. The received data looked approximately as follows:

"How would you vote at the Duma elections, if they were held next Sunday?" (in % from number going to participate in voting)

Edinaya Russia - 28, CPRF - 23, LDPR - 5, Yabloko - 5, URF- 5, Agrarian party- 2, the Russian ecological party "The Green" - 2, "Rodina"- national democratic union - 2, Against all - 4, difficult to answer - 20. Other parties have not got even two per cent.

20% out of those, who have announced their participation in elections, did not know yet, for whom they will vote. The similar confusion in March was smaller - 9%. At that time the people still were guided in the answers by the last voting, and today they already got accustomed to the current events and positions of old and new parties and blocks closer.

The spurt of «Edinaya Russia» was vivid; within September 3 % of a rating has lost LDPR; CPRF electorate underwent structural changes of the staff. Thus, if in August three quarters of the last CPRF voters expressed their desire to vote for CPRF, in September this parameter has decreased to 63%.

Answering the public opinion poll question organized by ACRPO: «What all-Russian parties and associations are the most active in the political life of your region?» - 21 % of the respondents have named «Edinaya Russia», 13% - CPRF, 10 % - LDPR, 9% - URF. «Yabloko» obviously was behind of all with its 5%.

But speaking about parties’ activity during the election campaign, the block “Rodina” appeared to be especially remarkable. Sergej Glazev, whose name half-year ago was familiar to rather small circle "of the common voters", has turned into one of the most popular politicians, and block, with him at the head- into one of the most popular political associations. It is not an ubsubstantiated statement - so, for example, it was Glazev`s block formation that visitors of "Elections 2003" site have admitted as the brightest event of the current political life. Later I`ll dwell on these theme more detailed.

And so, we will address to already known results of choices.

So, let’s address to the already known data

According to the final data,
1)"Edinaya Russia" has polled 37,57 % of votes (that means that 22mln 779 thousand 279 of the Russian people have voted for it),
2) CPRF has received 12,61 % of votes (7mln 647 thousand 820 voters),
3) LDPR- 11,45 % (6mln 943 thousand 875 people),
4) block "Rodina" - 9,02 % (5mln 469 thousand 556 votes).
The party "Yabloko" has received 4,3 % of votes (2mln 609 thousand
823 people), and " URF " has got 3,97 % of votes (2mln 408 thousand 356 voters).
The candidate "against all" was chosen by 4, 7 % from 60mln 712 thousand 299 of the Russian people participating in elections. The attendance has made 55,57%.

Thus, according to the CEC estimate, "Edinaya Russia" under the federal list receives 120 places in the Duma, CPRF - 40, LDPR - 36, the block "Rodina" - 29.

As the parties number, participating in the election, was high enough, I would like to pay attention to the six strongest and to analyze the reasons of victories and «failures» just those, who more or less successfully have carried out the election campaign, and both degree of dependence and fairness of the results, received by them. The number of the strongest is known to include the presidential minion «Edinaya Russia », yet holding the power CPRF, the patriarchal LDPR, and the wit block “Rodina”, besides fighting for the victory rather strong and already popular for a long time the «right» parties of URF and «Yabloko», worthy rivals of the four winners.

First of all, I’d like to admit that the general course of the election campaign was guided mostly by positive moments of political and economic situation in Russia. (having based the campaign on the negative moment ,“right” have lost). Besides, the determinant influences here made the extra factors, rather than: successfulness of political speeches, the brightness of the logos and the appeal of the political programs (though it is impossible to say that the factor of their importance means nothing).

Certainly, mass media has a determining role; here more or less frequently political parties could appear. The leader charisma factor is not determent but practically of the same importance, it also makes a party successful among the people. Why I consider this factor as one of the determinative ones – let’s remember “Peace Russian Party” with well-known and popular Iosif Kobzon at the head .

And so, we will address to the programs of the leading parties. It is remarkable, that each of them had brightly expressed style and its own «highlight» for the potential electorate. I pay so much attention to the political programs my research work, because they are a concentration of the main points of view of the party, which are later expressed in mottoes and manifestoes, and also in the speeches of leaders in mass media.

«Edinaya Russia» party

The party concentrates mainly on the policy of the president, underlining in it positive moments. «Последние годы стали для России периодом политической стабильности и уверенного восходящего развития. За эти годы мы много добились. Фактом стал подъем экономики и эмоционального состояния общества. Мы выбрали власть, которой доверяет большинство. Взаимное доверие граждан и власти позволяет сообща решить проблемы, оставшиеся нам от предыдущих десятилетий» - the party writes in the «introduction» to its political program [7]. It is, from my point of view, one of the strongest trumps, as the president policy was good and regularly covered, including its positive moments. That means that the people evidently saw and understood, what the party supported.

However, «Edinaya Russia » program I regard as one of the weakest and the most abstract. As there are the greatest number of amorphous “high-flown” phrases and practically nothing of the present mechanisms of the solving of many «down-to-earth» and essential problems.

«Мы приемлем только те реформы, которые обеспечивают благосостояние» - they point out in large print in their program, without concretizing it further. You can’t but agree, the phrase is senseless - it would be absurd, if they consciously supported reforms leading to the rotting and poverty. If the people just glance at the logos, without deep penetration, but 10-15 pages of the program – a non motivated person will not read and, hence, will perceive it as total exaggeration.

Further the party tries to play on the mistakes of the previous. «Левые» привели Советский союз к развалу, после чего Россией занялись «правые»-и это окончилось экономическим крахом. Почему? И те, и другие руководствовались радикальными идеологиями, не имеющими отношения к реальности …Центризм - это прагматизм, способность решать реальные проблемы реальных людей…) It is necessary to notice here – the authority always (even theoretically) tried to solve real problems of the real people,to tell the truth,everyone by the methods. The party writes widely accepted things, without realizing their unsubstantiated nature: «Не «бой», а интересная работа и высокая зарплата - вот, что необходимо гражданам нашей страны. Но для работы нужны условия. В создании этих условий и состоит наша политическая задача. Главным условиями являются ПОРЯДОК И ЗАКОННОСТЬ».

In the first paragraph the party mentions the positive moments of the Eurounion, gaining the young electorate (according to the ACRPO data half of young people is for the union with Europe), but also writes: «Цивилизационные отношения между властью, бизнесом и обществом, характерные для развитых стран, позволят обеспечить одновременно как развитие рынка, так и защиту населения. Для создания таких отношений государство должно эффективно контролировать экономику и социальную сферу» - probably, realizing , that most of the inhabitants of Russia have consciousness, formed in the epoch of the USSR, vivid success of CPRF proves it.On this contingent «Edinaya Russia» concentrates. «Безответственность власти -одна из главных причин социальных потрясений последних десятилетий. Ответственное правительство большинства - это гарантия от принятия необоснованных и своекорыстных решений, залог стабильности и безопасности, основа честных взаимоотношений государства и граждан». If to make some theses shorter – правительство большинства – основа честных взаимоотношений, it’s hard to notice that the party tries to operate with the terms close and familiar to the man, «ex-soviet».

Further the party tries to promise eradicate that is considered to be negative and realize the expected for a long time and the equally undoubtedly useful. And it is impossible to condemn these theses, certainly, they create a positive background of the text: «Взаимоотношения внутри структур законодательной и исполнительной власти следует существенно упростить, сократив число министерств и ведомств…Работа органов власти должна быть полностью гласной.

Также мы планируем создать эффективные административные процедуры и судебные механизмы разрешения споров между гражданами и государством» I should notice, in these words« Edinaya Russia» (in contrast to other parties) remarkable unsubstantiated nature.

«Наконец эффективная и ответственная власть требует профессиональных госслужащих – молодых, образованных и энергичных. Следует окончательно разрушит» номенклатурный барьер» - it writes, encouraging the dissatisfied with negative moments, existing at the Soviet authority, working people from the USSR by birth. The phrase, certainly, touches also interests of the youth, but probably, as it sounds not convincingly, does not catch the eye and it is written, as I dare to suppose, also for the generations, concerned with the older generation destiny .

«Россия должна быть окружена «поясом дружбы» - это в интересах и России, и наших соседей». – «Edinaya Russia» calms amateurish minds.

The party writes about the maintenance of friendly relationships with the USA, about that «Россия должна стать равноправным членом мирового сообщества……как в Евросоюзе, обеспечение граждан жильём, услугами здравоохранения и социальной защитой», attracting the middle-aged able-bodied population, but right here,without forgetting the statistics (preferences of the majority, «stuck to the traditions») writes: «Единая Россия» выступает за эффективный общественный контроль над деятельностью СМИ»although explains»Общественный контроль призван, в первую очередь, обеспечить свободу СМИ от давления со стороны как коммерческих структур, так и со стороны структур власти…» That means the party hopes, that a «stuck to the traditions» middle-aged reader, tired up to this moment (the item is in the middle of the text) automatically will perceive it as the expected control over mass media, (similarly to the Soviet time, when violence and erotic were severely filtered), and a thinking voter (let him be young!), recollecting the scandal with NTV, channels switching-off in the east regions during the authority compromising programs, will perceive it approvingly.

«Страна богатеет, когда богатеет народ!» - assures «Edinaya Russia» the owners of firms without adducing a word.

«Единая Россия» считает недопустимым попытки «свалить» на местное самоуправление (мэров городов и глав районов) социальные обязательства, не обеспеченные финансовыми ресурсами» - writes «Edinaya Russia». Others also mentioned this question. But it is remarkable, that the formulation of the problem, given by «Edinaya Russia», puts it on the side of the officials in this question.

I shall be more precise, if admit that in its program «Edinaya Russia» mentions many urgent areas (education, municipal services, economy and s.o.), where they express their ideas basically and particularly, in particular in connection with the army of «Edinaya Russia» question writes: «Целью проводимой при поддержке «Единой России» военной реформы является создание в России меньшей по численности,но гораздо более сильной и эффективной армии,имеющей все самые современные разработки отечественного ВПК. Мы поддерживаем принцип комплектования Вооруженных Сил на контрактной основе (в первую очередь, речь идет о сержантском составе): по предложению «Единой России» Правительство Российской Федерации приняло важное решение о сокращении срока службы в армии по призыву до одного года к 2008году.» And s. o., but in the whole political program looks is extremely scattered.

From the very beginning, the program, trying to keep attention of the youth and businessmen, takes an attempt to gain that majority, that were born in the Soviet union, and only then switches to the description of the actions turned to support businessmen, students (educational system and so on).

At the end of the program of «Edinaya Russia» writes (paragraph 3.5.Мы положили начало подлинной демократии): Это достижение, хотя и стоит в списке последним, одно из самых важных. Отчуждение между властью и простым человеком, которое существовало в нашей стране, постепенно преодолевается». The democracy is really an important element, but what for to concentrate attention on the fact that this item occupies the last position in the list. In my opinion, it is a mistake in this case, would be enough just to write about its importance.

And further: «Благодаря «Единой России» Государственная Дума, наконец, стала работать на благо страны. Нам удалось заставить работать Думу спокойно и созидательно». Not all the Russian people agree that the
Duma works so now as it is necessary [6], and with the help of this phrase «Edinaya Russia» shows, that the given level of work of government for it is acceptable.

«УСПЕХ РОССИИ-В НАШИХ РУКАХ!» - finishes the manifest «Edinaya Russia ». An ambiguous statement, a question arises: in whose hands, in ours or in yours? Rather in yours! « And half of periphery population live in darkness and cold – regularly receive less than it must be electricity and hot water, whatever the president rating is. So what, shall I vote for you? » - that is what a countryman says. Having analyzed this expression of the emotional characteristic of phonetic sounding (with the help of the special program), I was very much surprised with antonyms (good -bad, beautiful - repellent, smooth - rough and т. Д.) the phrase gets equally on 0.0.

Liberal - democratic party(set) of Russia

The leader of LDPR (V.Zhirinovski), always had constant steady image. A feature of the party-persistence and clearness (in spite of its debatableness) of the line. As to the program and manifests, here again, it gives impression of discipline, differs by sharpness, rigidity of the statements and strict order.

The political program of LDPR, perhaps, the most successful, by way of its design. From extra accusations it is rescued by the primary categorical definition of the position -« do not want -do not accept », with the further steady following to it.

The party tries to impress with aura and game. Hiperbolization, all the manifests start with, basically do not make a start from an uncategorically adjusted voter for a long time already [4]. And criticism psychologically always draws more attention.

Its political program LDPR begins with the description «of the historically developed situation», of the party`s history, of the with the approximate description of the electorate («Её (партии) социальной опорой являются в основном средние слои общества, жители малы и средних городов и поселков с преобладающим славянским населением, патриотическoе настроенные граждане, большинство среди которых-люди работоспособного возраста и значительная часть молодежи»). Speaking about well-known problems (I mean there were questions, which mentioned to some extent by all the parties),it has its own brightly expressed style adding to it sometimes a shade simplicity and naive pathos: « В России не должно быть голодных,бездомных и безработных…В понимании ЛДПР либерализм-это подлинная,а не мнимая свобода».
LDPR practically at once lists its achievements for the period of work in the State Duma: «Благодаря инициативам и настойчивости фракции ЛДПР,в Думе были приняты многие важные для России ,ее населения законы…» with the concrete list of them followed(that consider as positive moments, promoting success).

Certainly, there is much artificiality and absurdity again: «Благодаря ее (партии) усилиям из правительства были удалены наиболее откровенные антироссийские министры». That reduces a degree of gravity of the attitude to the party.
It is possible to consider as an advantage LDPR`s boldness,how it discusses questions, which decision by its own method not everyone can like: «ЛДПР поддерживает изменения, внесенные в Доктрину национальной безопасности Росси в2001 году, в которых говориться о праве России на использование ядерного оружия в случае серьёзной опасности, вызванной внешней агрессией…Вместе с тем ЛДПР расценивает как глубоко ошибочное и вредное чрезмерное искусственное вовлечение женщин в экономическую и политическую жизнь, стирание граней между социальными функциями мужчины и женщины и т.д.»

The party is not afraid (and can be, it is done even intentionally), that in some cases its theses remind Stalin totalitarism times: «ЛДПР добивается также снижения возраста наступления гражданской дееспособности до 16 лет. В эпоху акселерации человек в 16 лет не только физически, но и интеллектуально готов к полноправной взрослой жизни…ЛДПР предложила, и это частично уже осуществлено.ввести в России около тридцати равноправных и одинаковых по своему статусу губерний, образованных по территориальному принципу, полностью экономически самодостаточных, с численностью населения приблизительно по 5млн. человек в каждой губернии и не имеющих никаких собственных конституций и национальных государственных языков… Relying on the «Soviet »origin of the majority outlook, LDPR, besides writes: 1. «ЛДПР выдвинула важные инициативы в области подъёма российской экономики, в том числе предлагала провести экономическую амнистию и вернуть вывезенные сотни миллиардов из-за рубежа, установить государственную монополию на производство и сбыт алкоголя, табака и сахара, что позволило бы существенно пополнить бюджет страны…2. Предпринимаются меры к снятию с экранов телевидения антироссийских и аморальных программ, а также разнузданного разгула рекламных роликов…3. ЛДПР будет и впредь вести решительную борьбу против антирусской и антипатриотической пропаганды в средствах массовой информации…4.По мнению ЛДПР, основные каналы телевидения должны находиться в государственной ответственности.5.Целесообразно вести систему прогнозирования (планирования) экономического развития страны на качественно новой основе…и т.д.»

Is remarkable, that in the program the party mentions practically all the spheres of life, which other parties in their programs managed somehow to mention, in particular it is ecology, and a stare at the religious questions, LDPR inconsiderately breaks principles of the family code and so on. Acting as a supporter of the reunion of the former USSR territories, attracting in this way KPRF electorate.

A distinctive feature of the party is its geopolitical thinking.

(e.g. «Важно также учитывать, что с конца ХХ века произошла заметная активизация экспансионистской политики Турции на Кавказе и в Северной Азии, что ставит под серьёзную угрозу стратегические интересы России, а также мир и спокойствие в этом регионе и его демократическое развитие» and so on.

It is the only of competitive parties, in which program geopolitical vision takes a significant place, as though applying on the status of the world (on what it basically and hints, speaking about restoration of Russia, as super state). «Стратегическая цель ЛДПР - восстановить мощь России как мировой сверхдержавы, что отвечает ее геополитическому и историческому предназначению»- it gives in the political program.

In an amazing way LDPR has got both Stalin Empire and imperial Russia features, with significant overweight of the first one.

LDPR`s war and conflict propagation put us on the guard. I believe, the statement against disarmament, sharp attacks against NATO, the USA, military equipment and people training strong programs-can be considered as propagation of the armed conflicts. Considering history “devotion” in respect of territories, LDPR breaks other traditions of the Russian people. Acting for the debauch limit on the screen, the party at the same time writes: «ЛДПР предложила также внести изменения в Семейный кодекс, разрешающие возможность вступать в новый блок, не расторгая предыдущего». In the program LDPR supports the idea of polygamy, limits freedom, forbidding abortions.

Besides shows the vivid tendencies of discrimination: «Мужчина должен выполнять функцию основного кормильца семьи, а женщина- быть главным образом xранилицей домашнего очага и продолжательницей человеческого рода, хотя бы в молодом возрасте 16-36 лет. Соответственно, доход, размер зарплаты работающего мужчины должны позволять ему содержать жену и детей (that means man`s salary will automatically exceed women`s salary) При этом в нашем обществе недолжно быть никаких ограничений для деловой и политической активности женщин (the party masks).

«Граждане России, если вы поддержите ЛДПР и приведете ее к власти, то мы вернем нашей Родине достоинство, а вам спокойную и обеспеченную жизнь!»- the party finishes the manifests. From the point of view of a phonetic-emotional evaluation of the phrase, it has sharply expressed, negative characteristic. And, nevertheless, it is successful, taking into account electorate preferences. Let's notice, that the party uses a verb «we’ll return» (instead of something like «we shall build», «we shall create » and so on.), that is stresses that the people already had their «wealth» (and many of simple voters think this way), and to return is always easier, than to create the new.

I should add, that, in spite of the successful design, accuracy of the formulations of postulates and apparent super clearness of the program many of LDPR purposes under more careful analysis appear are irrational, are wrong, and even unreal. But, taking into account the vast amount of the needy in Russia, the program is made competently. LDPR uses its own neologisms, for as for example «… мы обещаем всем россиянам гарантировать (notice, that they only «guarantee», instead of «normal life», itself, that makes it possible to pick on) нормальную жизнь в условиях информационно-экологического общества», that also adds to it brightness.

The block «Rodina»

In the manifests, and also political program, the block «Rodina», has not missed an opportunity and has played on the situation with oligarchs in the country. «Нынешняя исполнительная и законодательная власть проводит политику в интересах обогащения властвующей олигархии за счёт присвоения общенациональных богатств, безудержной эксплуатации природных ресурсов страны и труда граждан России» - it opens the political program. It is necessary to note, how the block «Rodina» presents the program – it is called «Договор избирательного блока «Родина» (народно патриотический союз )с избирателями» from my point of view, it is a good step, as pulls together and puts in equal conditional positions the party and its voters.

Both the manifests and political program of the block « Rodina», differ by ease of their presentation. Distinctive feature is still that the block, in contrast with the previous parties, writes not only about the projects of the new laws, but also pays attention to the already existing, promising to cause their performance («…безусловное выполнение всех законодательно установленных социальных обязательств государства, в том числе предусмотренных Федеральными законами «Об науке и государственной научно-технической политике и т.д.») Showing to the voter this way, that it also supports the authority (and Mr. Putin has a good reputation as the president), promising to make everything even better.

Having used properly the failure of KPRF, the block «Rodina» has got a part of their electorate, acting for the return to the state the power over natural resources. (I should notice LDPR also supported this, but the block «Rodina» stressed it more, shouting about it at each corner, on screens of TV and newspaper pages). The political program of the block "Rodina" pays more attention to the economic side, in many respects guided by post soviet thinking of the main part of the electorate.

(For Example: «…восстановление централизованного контроля в государственном секторе экономики, придание ему роли локомотива экономического роста на основе эффективного управления государственной собственностью, системой государственных закупок, недропользованием, базовой инфраструктурной экономики».)

The block "Rodina" was the first who has touched the theme of techno accidents, important for the population of western Russia (salvation of the problems «предотвращение угрозы техногенные катастроф в главных системах жизнеобеспечения путём наведение порядка в управлении РАО ЕЭС, Газпрома…»).

The block has ventured to undertake (in the political program) «четырёхкратное повышение минимальной зарплат…» And «доведение размера минимальной заработной платы до уровня выше размера прожиточного минимума трудоспособного человека», in what other parties were more cautious and rational. And as though crossing out all the promises «of good life» the block writes about «упрощении порядка проведения забастовок», though, on the other hand, it shows soberness of the point, as « ideal model » of the society does not exist (about what other parties wrote directly). As far as censorship is concerned, the block "Rodina" expresses itself more softly, than other parties of the «left» orientation, hinting this way at the attraction of the younger electorate: «обеспечение реальной информационной безопасности Российской Федерации,защита населения,особенно детей и юношества,от психологической агрессии и «экранного терроризма», ведущей к нравственной деградации народа». The block "Rodina" gains the younger and westlike thinking electorate and other elements, in particular rather perspective, from the point of view of the young people, ideas are proclaimed in its program: «электронизация платежей и расчётов ограничение использования наличных денег в платёжном обороте…обеспечение быстрого и устойчивого экономического роста на современной технологической основе за счет активизации научно-производственного и интеллектуального потенциала страны ,повышение конкурентоспособности и модернизации национальной экономики…формирование системы государственной поддержки высокотехнологического экспорта посредством страхования и предоставления льготных экспортных кредитов, субсидий на сертификацию и контроль качества продукции и т.д. )

«Народно-патриотические партии, движения и организации, подписавшие это Соглашение, объединяют свои силы для победы на предстоящих выборах в Государственную Думу Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации с целью проведения в стране политики социальной справедливости и ответственности, межнационального согласия, быстрого и устойчивого роста, подъёма общественного благосостояния и уровня жизни населения, обеспечение духовно-нравственного оздоровления общества.» - writes the block "Rodina" in its «Soglashenie». Certainly, that fact, that the block has comprised a set of forces, movements and organizations, makes impression of the power and real opportunity something to achieve. Then the block lists the intentions and programs in various spheres (political, economic, cultural - moral, social and so on). The block is organized for «сотрудничества в целях действенного контроля при подсчёте голосов и соблюдении законности в ходе проведения выборов», that also attracts the voters. The block "Rodina" having united a set of not so popular parties and movements, fulfilled an opportunity of their coming to power and drawing attention of the voters.

The Communist party of the Russian Federation

The KPRF program also (like LDPR`s one) is characterized by high expressiveness and bright emotionality. «Ежегодно страна недосчитывается миллиона жителей. Ежегодно за рубеж утекает народного набора на 25 миллиардов долларов. Наши границы вплотную обложены американскими и натовскими военными базами. Главари «нового мирового порядка»открыто говорят, что в России должно остаться не более 50 миллионов человек. Этого хватит, чтобы добывать газ и нефть, золото и алмазы, обслуживать олигархов. Остальным 100 миллионам нет места на земле». In spite of some failures, within the last year, the party strongly sticks to its image: «Перед лицом угрозы полной колонизации и вымирания страны МЫ, рабочие и крестьяне, инженеры и учёные, учителя и врачи, предприниматели и управленцы .художники, артисты и студенты, люди разных взглядов и верований, представители разных партий и движений объединений в НАРОДНЫЙ БЛОК КПРФ ».

Like all other parties, KPRF hasn’t failed to take advantage of squabbles with oligarchs: «Председательством, подкупом и обманом в стране воцарилась воровская олигархия» - it writes in the first sentence of the manifest. It is a very positive moment for the party, as the rest number of the majority of« common amateur-voters is against oligarchs» [9]. Any criticism the party tries to turn to its own advantage: «Правящий режим испугался и запретил проведение референдума, ибо знал, что скажет народ. Но вопросы никуда не делись. С каждым днём они встают всё острее и острее».

The party makes rather unsubstantiated statements, but stakes mostly on expressiveness and emotionality that always draws attention, drowning sometimes the reason: «Мы знаем, как взяться за дело. Как в несколько раз увеличить бюджет, поднять производство, повысить зарплаты, пенсии и стипендии, помочь сильным, защитить слабых. У нас есть программа скорейшего выхода из кризиса. У нас есть команда высококлассных специалистов, готовая хоть завтра образовать своё правительство. Мы не потратим ни дня на раскачку » - it declares without any further convincing example of validity.

«Поездки к родным и близким, где бы они не проживали в России, будут доступны каждому» – it clearly formulates in this way desires mainly of the prevailing number of the older people.
It is worth mentioning, that KPRF has the greatest number of one-member motto formulations in the political program:

«ПОРА ВЗЯТЬСЯ ЗА УМ! ПОРА НАРОДУ БРАТЬ ВЛАСТЬ!ГОЛОСУЙТЕ ЗА НАРОДНЫЙ БЛОК КПРФ,ЗА НАСТОЯЩУЮ ПАРТИЮ!ЗА ВЛАСТЬ ТРУДОВОГО НАРОДА!ЗА ДЕЛО ПАТРИОТОВ!ЗА РОДНУЮ ЗЕМЛЮ И НАРОДНУЮ ВОЛЮ!ЗА БУДУЩЕЕ РОССИИ! », that is a good turn, as such formulations are better engraved on one’s memory and are easier perceived, without calling to analyze further.

At the elections in December in the Russian state Duma all the right forces dropped out. But we will address to the programs of the two strongest of the rivals.

Union of Right Forces

The political program of URF is rather huge. By its size it is the second to LDPR, but it is complicated enough. It is rather exact in the formulations, concrete and does not go too far in respect of expressiveness and emotionality.

«Нам снова предстоит сделать исторический выбор.И «СОЮЗ ПРАВЫХ СИЛ» готов исполнить свою историческую миссию-удержать Россию на столбовой дороге цивилизации » - to my mind, it is a good formulation, because it draws attention not only of the young businessmen, but also and makes think, looks at the situation wider, in the historical aspect. URF has its own style. «Какой России мы хотим?» - formulates URF in one of the subtitles, pointing indirectly at the drawbacks of the nowadays authority and «exposing» the «left» competitors.

They explain logically and particularly each thesis: «Уния власти и капитала одним из своих следствий имеет фактическое введение цензуры в СМИ. Потому что бизнесмены – владельцы газет, радиостанций и телеканалов целиком зависят от государства и высших чиновников, и тем самым превращаются в государственных служащих. Мы против наступления на свободу СМИ». The existing authority they call «полицейско-бюрократической» (it is their own neologism, pointing out the party), therefore, in the same way they call both the elite (their«left » rivals) and the regime.

URF uses bright, figurative and stimulating to action, well worked out phrases: «За следующую четырёхлетку мы должны не только пройти развилку «демократический рынок – полицейско-бюрократический капитализм», но и заложить основы устойчивого развития России в постиндустриальном мире», demonstrating the effectiveness and activity.

Speaking about the ideas UGF is, certainly very attractive. It suggests western, perspective society model, gaining this way a huge progressive electorate of the pro-European youth, perspective businessmen. It suggests a new model, working under no circumstances in other cultures, the state system model.

The peculiarity of its logos and of each phrase is the fact that they make think, arouse an analytical approach.

As far as the program is concerned, in my opinion, it is rather complicated for an ordinary man. URF is interested too much in «reforms» and especially in «the taxation system », going too far in details, sometimes useless, in my opinion. In this case I consider a too detailed description unnecessary, because it frightens off the voter by incomprehensibility and complexity. «совершенствование процедур отнесения амортизационных отчислений при переходе малыми предприятиями на общераспространенную систему уплаты налога…сохранение плоской ставки подоходного налога…либерализация порядка возмещения НДС при налогообложении по нулевой ставке при экспорте товаров –главным основанием для возмещения налога должно являться подтверждение пересечения товаров таможенной границы Российской Федерации(без подтверждения поступления валютной выручки на расчётный счет налогоплательщика)…и т.д.» However, on the other hand, it also shows the reality and seriousness of the approach a detailed description of all kinds of taxation (that is in the URF political program), I consider as «carrying coals to Newcastel».

«Yabloko» party.

The party «Yabloko» is known to be the «right», having ideas very close to URF ones. The political program of «Yabloko» differs from the URF`s by its simplicity and conciseness, that gives it a doubtless advantages. But it is not unsubstantiated at all. «Цель партии «ЯБЛОКО» - превратить Россию в страну, где людям хорошо жить. Для этого надо создать:…» (with further enumeration). «Наш принцип: государство для человека, а не человек для государства. Наши ценности - свобода и справедливость » - they take partly the principle of America of Lincoln times, hinting at the ability to create the same bases of life.

«Yabloko» also uses the general discontent with the oligarchs: «От олигархической системы – к государству благосостояния граждан – it says in the sub item.Экономикой России сегодня управляют олигархические группы, присвоившие национальные богатства страны».

The formulation are good due to their conciseness and thought out figurativeness : «Россия превратилась в страну массовой нищеты и показной роскоши…Мы за общество равных возможностей ».

The party shows its awareness of nowadays reality: «уменьшить единый социальный налог, чтобы работники получали зарплату в кассе, а не в «конвертах». As well as URF, « Yabloko » tries to capture by the opposition to the authority, automatically taking the side of the people, voters: «Чиновники с депутатами установили для себя особую систему высоких государственных пенсий. Надо устранить эту несправедливость». «Yabloko» is one of those few who does not forget to mention the ecology.

In the program «Yabloko» dexterously transfers the general formulations to the program of concrete actions, due to that the golden middle of seriousness is achieved at the highest level of the information. The political program of «Yabloko» I consider also as one of the most successful ones.

Addressing to the programs of other parties, in their manifests and political programs they mention the same issues, which have been mentioned by the «main» parties. Let's take as an example

«The Russian constitutional-democratic party » - «Cadets» (acting for the absolute power of the constitution).

Actually to convince the voters dissatisfied with many aspects of their life, that the constitution has an opportunity to solve all of their problems if one makes comply with its demands, it is a bit stupid. Any document (especially so important as the constitution) is accepted to follow any rules, and if they haven’t been observed before, why they should begin to be observed again? Besides dissatisfied with their life people, as a rule, expect radical changes in some spheres, and it is not easy for them to believe, that « everything is already OK».Notwithstanding, «Cadets» are reasonable in the explaining their position: «Необходимо в соответствии с Конституцией России утвердить следующую последовательность приоритетов: человек – семья-общество-государство…and so on »Party’s mistake is that they do not take into consideration Soviet majority view. «Основа идеологии Российской Конституционно-демократической партии – доверие человеку, максимальная опора на частную инициативу граждан. Прежде всего, это должно проявляться в экономике…По сути,идеология Российской Конституционно- демократической партии – это идеология доверия человеку,его инициативе.» - they write, without thinking, that the majority will have association with « the oligarch problem» - « this is what individual initiative can lead to » - a dilettante will think, besides, there is a huge number of the pensioners in Russia who are not ready for the individual initiative and the «Soviet» needy, expecting of the authority to help.

Besides, the constitution has already been mentioned in the program the block "Rodina".
The party mainly pays attention to the reasoning and history education, rather than to the real plans of actions. And also impresses by its image of beautiful tsarist Russia, up to the Soviet authority appearance.

(By the Way, as far as this question in Belarus is concerned, the final concluding of the «Russia and Belarus Union» is mentioned only in LDPR and the block "Rodina" plans, KPRF, in its turn, touches only upon the Soviet Union restoration).

As far as parties’ logotypes are concerned (See appendix № 2), it is difficult to evaluate here, as the opinions can be different. To my mind, «Edinaya Russia»`s logotype is the best thought-out, also LDPR`s, KPRF`s logotypes are good – they are distinguished by their traditional character, and also it is the only party, having its own separate site, devoted only to their symbol, flag, anthem and motto. KPRF symbol is the symbol of union of the workers of city, village, science and culture – a hammer, a sickle and a book. (Which was always so close to the people coming from USSR).The anthem - «Интернационал » (also well familiar and dear), the Flag - red (color drawing attention and making active, stimulating - such flag is hard to not notice), the Motto - «Россия, труд, народовластие, социализм!» (reminding enthusiasm of the past years and believe in the bright future, support and unity).

From the point if view of logotype’s appeal, I’d point out also “Cadets” party (that is why I’ve taken its program as an example).

As for the manifestoes, practically all parties duplicate each other, trying to play on the needy despair. The shouts of the block "Rodina", very much remind the text of KPRF (compare: "Rodina" block: «17 долларовых миллиардеров и 40 миллионов граждан, живущих за чертой бедности…! KPRF: «Ежегодно за рубеж утекает народного добра на 25 миллиардов долларов!», here it is possible to add LDPR logo: «Голосуя за ЛДПР, вы голосуете за улучшение жизни простых людей…».

Practically all the parties appeal to patriotism: LDPR: «В современных условиях ЛДПР выдвигает идею патриотизма на первый план! (from its pol. program)»; KPRF «В современных условиях ЛДПР выдвигает идею патриотизма на первый план!. (from the manifesto); «Мы – истинные патриоты!»; "Rodina" block: «Нас объединяет патриотизм!»,(from the manifesto): «Наша команда создается сегодня в рамках широкого политического союза, объединившего конструктивные патриотические силы»; URF from the manifesto: «Подлинный патриотизм – это зрячий патриотизм. Любовь к Родине проявляется не в том, чтобы вскидывать руку в нацистском приветствии и ненавидеть инородцев. Либеральный патриотизм – патриотизм деятельный: мы выстраиваем страну, которая стоит того, чтобы здесь жить, работать и растить детей ».

As for public appearance of the parties’ leaders, debates in mass media, it is necessary to notice a low level of rhetoric. The «instructive - solemn rhetoric". Its real addressee is nomenclature of the officials, in the majority of speeches just instruct it and simultaneously give an account to it. V.Zhirinovsky: «Позиция ЛДПР четко обозначена - только опора на мощную отечественную промышленность и крепкое сельское хозяйство позволит реально и существенно повысить жизненный уровень подавляющего большинства граждан страны…». (PNT02.12.03.), “Rodina” block: «Поставленная задача не может быть решена без команды преданных интересам страны профессионалов, способных разработать и осуществить реальную программу экономического роста и подъема народного благосостояния…» ( ibidem). KPRF: «Национализировав и вернув в свои руки природные богатства, государство сформирует новый, многократно превосходящий нынешний, бюджет и станет крупнейшим заказчиком продукции отечественных товаропроизводителей… Таможенная политика будет нацелена на обеспечение технологической независимости и продовольственной безопасности страны». «Edinaya Russia»: «Принят Закон «Об объединениях работодателей», не позволяющий компаниям входить в сговор и ущемлять права своих работников...» (PNT 13.12.03). LDPR: «Благодаря инициативам и настойчивости фракции ЛДПР, в Думе были приняты многие важные законы… Для этого мы разработали проект следующих законов… »

As all this is published, appears in the newspapers and on the Internet, there must be the second addressee – the people. However, there is no addressing to the people in such speeches. There is merely a bureaucratic aspiration to list any items, to report on each of them, to give the instruction and to fill them with solemnity. There is nothing of the main civil idea. There are petty problems and officials language: the politicians like to speak in a genre of the report to the ministry and department.

Especially on pages of the printed editions, the leaders frequently used "attraction rhetoric" - of every possible promises to the voters. «В случае прихода к власти, обещаем всем россиянам гарантировать нормальную жизнь в условиях информационно-экологического общества!» -the leader of the LDPR political program quotes («Nezavisimaya gazeta» 04.12.03.); «Мы добьемся повышения размера з/пл…» - KPRF («Tribuna» 12.11.03); « Edinaya Russia»: «Стоимость коммунальных услуг не будет превышать...» (PNT)01.12.03. )« Это ущербная риторика, поскольку в ней нет убеждения как такового. Отсутствует аргументация » - says doctor of philological sciences Georgij Hazagerov in the interview with “Rossijsaya gazeta” (of 20.11.03.), who advising many politicians. Not once “rhetorical tricks” are met on pages of electronic mass media: For example, "Проголосуй за товарища Зю, выбери правды и мира стезю" sounds like a little sadistic poem. And hardly it can bring real benefit to the comrade Зю. «PR-фирма хочет показать, что деньги ей платят недаром, и прибегает ко всяким изощренным формам - рекламным слоганам, каламбурам, стихам. Но изощренное не значит эффективное… Риторика трюков редко бывает уместной. Чаще всего это просто выстрел в воздух, фейерверк такой.» - Mr.Hazagerov says in this account.

Having analyzed the character of the manifestoes and political programs of the parties, appearance on the air and on pages of the editions, one fact catches one’s eyes, it is a very frequent parties resort to the usage «black piar» or, as it is sometimes called, "rhetoric accusations". All leaders, without exception, resorted to these methods, including «right» parties.
«The accusatory position is strongly implanted in Russian culture, there always were oppositionists, truthlovers. But real truthlovers were the people with civic reputation, with high personal status.

In the oppositional rhetoric, however, dated back to the pre-revolutionary times the weakness of the argument has been vivid. Personal boldness was required to object. Try to tell "Away with the Soviet authority!» Boldness is large; the sense is not that deep: well "away", and what is than? The authority n Russia never protected itself seriously by arguments, because hoped for power. And the opposition did not develop the serious arguments, because hoped for boldness ». - says Mr.Hazagerov.

Therefore, it is clear, why the majority of the accusations still look naive: "I want to get power to give you all the possible welfare, and he wants to do it, because a thief and a bad man". This method is vividly expressed by URF, together with KPRF and LDPR: «Но недруги России не только присвоили ее материальные богатства. Они пытаются сломить наш дух, нашу веру, уничтожить нашу культуру» (NTV, 17.11.03.); LDPR: «Ныне наступил новый исторический этап - этап очищения России от мракобесия и засилья враждебных внутренних и внешних сил, этап ее возрождения как великой державы…», «Да, Вы Россию погубили…сволочи!» - cries in Shuster program V. Zhirinovski «Левые» привели Советский Союз к развалу, после чего Россией занялись «правые» – и это окончилось экономическим крахом»- “EdinayaRussia” writes in the manifesto, besides Mr. Gryzlov arrogantly declares on the screen, that he is not going to participate in TVdebates, as does not consider other parties as the worthy rivals and basically regards them as an empty place. «Поцейско-бюрократический капитализм» has created, in URF opinion, present authority. «Экономикой России сегодня управляют олигархические группы, присвоившие национальные богатства страны». - they accuse the competitors on behalf of the “Yabloko” «left» authority(NTV).

But in spite of the scientific validity of Mr. Hazagerov, I regard these cabals asof the strongest, there is nothing of this kind, that will draw so much attention and arise emotions. Psychologically people are greedy more for scandals, than for positive information.

The greatest popularity has got Savik Shuster program «Freedom of a word», that appeared on the air on the eve of the elections, where the representatives of various parties had an opportunity to report to the voter the idea. But again, no good debate was held, as everyone, resorting to referred above methods, tried to cry out the learnt by heart theses. «Мы за то, чтобы природные ресурсы принадлежали народу …» - repeated Glaznev,

«Да Вы обмануть народ пытаетесь … » - categorically said Zhirinovski. «Знаем мы, какие Вы патриоты…» - burst out KPRF.

The most important thing is that in all kinds of rhetoric used by parties leaders, to be more precise pseudo rhetoric , there was no protection from possible counterarguments The speeches were spoken into the vacuum. Neither on screens, nor in the printed editions, there was no dispute, intimacy, search the common of all the position.

As for the comparison it with western piar, «В тех странах, где возникла идея пиара, всегда был выше уровень риторической грамотности политиков и журналистов. Я слышал обрывки одного из выступлений Шварценеггера - это полноценная риторика. Он говорил очень убежденно. Обыгрывал идею терминатора, говорил, что будет терминировать то, другое, третье - пользовался анафорой (повторами). Было видно, что человек говорит на подъеме. Что его приподнятый эмоциональный тон соответствует его логической убежденности. Он употреблял риторические фигуры, а это вообще признак взволнованной, приподнятой речи. Как у Мартина Лютера Кинга, помните, повторялось: "У меня есть мечта»? – “ the Russian newspaper” quoted Dr.Hazagerov (by the way ,the author of the book « Political rhetoric»), explaining, why the beginning of the pre-election debates has not brought sensations, the debates were languid.

It is necessary to notice, that «the Russian newspaper» in spite of apparent sharpness, does not state rigid exposures, and under apparent negativism «empty well-known and automatic» is hidden:

Нужна красота политической речи. А сейчас ее нет совсем. Ни у кого в России – говорит док. Хазагеров (Х)

- Ни у Явлинского? Ни у Чубайса? Ни у Путина? – «РГ»

- Ну, какая может быть красота в инструкциях? В призывах увеличить ВВП в два раза?... Сейчас у нас нет прецедентных высказываний. А те, что есть, - это курьезы. До сих пор очень популярны слова Черномырдина: "хотели как лучше...", "чревато боком". Эти фразы у всех на слуху, они нас объединяют. Но ведь когда-то повторяли фразы Пушкина и Грибоедова. И это задавало общий тон… Мне в одной пиаровской фирме заявляли: вот вы говорите "риторика связана с ясностью", а зачем нам ясность, наша задача бабушке мозги запудрить, и мы все равно их запудрим – says in the interview Dr. Hazagerov.

Though the official start of pre-election campaign has began in September, informally it worked in summer. Mass media participated very active in sensation exaggeration on an empty place: «Как стало известно «Ведомостям», в конце июня «Единая Россия» соберет форум из 3500 своих сторонников под лозунгом «Вместе с президентом». По сценарию делегация госслужащих соберется под девизом «Вести Верную Политику», группа аграриев - под девизом «Встанем, Вспашем, Посеем», группа предпринимателей – «Вместе Всегда Победим», группа женщин – «Время Великих Перемен» и т. д. Центристы надеются, что после форума потенциальные сторонники партии превратятся в реальных, а политические конкуренты называют затею партии власти «предвыборным шаманизмом…» (From the article by Vitalij « VVP holiday», a newspaper « the Vedomosti»). Let's notice, that the slogans, having the brightly expressed affirmative, positive character, are nevertheless empty.

«Ничего сенсационного в сообщении «Ведомостей» о том, что в конце июня «Единая Россия» соберет форум из 3500 своих сторонников под лозунгом «Вместе с президентом», нет. Информация об этом форуме уже давно распространяется «единороссами». Гораздо интереснее другое. Почему в распоряжении «Ведомостей» оказался подготовленный исполкомом «Единой России» проект плана мероприятий и состава участников форума сторонников партии именно сегодня, 3 июня. В тот день, когда в исполкоме «Единой России», как сообщал сайт www.edinros.ru, должно было состояться совещание по вопросу проведения форума сторонников. Что это - целенаправленный «слив» или что-то другое? » - picks up and exaggerates on the whole page «the Ural express ».

Let's look at mass media work on the eve of official start. (See. The appendix №3)

Political activity ratings of August 25 till August 31 reflect, how mass media and our sources evaluated in this period participation of the representatives of authoritative and business circles of Russia in the events of different degree of the political and public importance.

The higher was the event rank, the more points have those who appear more frequently in the registration list for a rating. Simultaneously the amount of points of the participants is influenced by number of mentioned in mass media events, and also their indirect or direct participation in occurring events.

Traditionally, president of the state В.Путин.was leading in the rating. With a view to economize space and time, I shall not list the covered events. But, following the logics, this parameter (even if it is not for long period of time), testifies, that mass media pay much attention on the pages, first of all to the president of the state.

Low, but stable rating had vice-premier V.Hristenko. «25 августа вице-премьер на заседании правительственной комиссии по регулированию доступа к магистральным трубопроводам констатировал... Схему работы газотранспортной системы (ГТК) в Киеве 25 августа обсуждали на вице-премьерском уровне: российское правительство на совете представлял В.Христенко, украинское - вице-премьер В.Гайдук. 27 августа правительственная комиссия по реструктуризации электроэнергетики рассматривала проект постановления правительства... В тот же день глава российской делегации на переговорах по ЕЭП В.Христенко констатировал: "Четверка готова подписать свой Римский договор, с которого в свое время началась история Европейского союза" - writes the newspaper «Izvestiya» a pompous phrase, sharply raising he rating among the voters of Mr.Hristenko.

Minister of Interior B.Gryzlov has received his rating points due to mass media covering of the following events: « 26 августа в Минске состоялось заседание совместной коллегии министерств внутренних дел России и Белоруссии. Конституционный акт Союзного государства России-Белоруссии готов для предоставления Высшему Государственному Cовету Союзного государства…».

(It is known, that a significant part of the Russian people jealously observe the process of formation of the Allied state and wait for it with impatience). August 27 the newspaper «Arguments and facts» publishes the interview with B.Gryzlov, in where shared his opinion concerning illegal migration in Russia from the countries of the CIS. «28 августа директор ФСБ Н.Патрушев официально передал полномочия по руководству контртеррористической операцией в Чечне министру внутренних дел России Б.Грызлову». The press also writes much enough about the leader, brightly demonstrating basically positive moments. The pre-election subjects occupy a great part in the publications of press.

B.Nemtsov. It is necessary to notice, that the press writes mainly about rather neutral events, of information character. Only «Moscow news» writes «Б.Немцов заявил о том, что СПС решил оказать материальную помощь семьям ветеранов правозащитного движения» (demonstrating together with it the brightly expressed positive evaluation).

The theme of a pre-election opposition of the patriotic leaders S.Glazjeva and G.Zuganova was very topical. The press wrote basically about contradictory events, drawing in this way attention, «Tribune» writes: «А 29 августа председатель Народной партии Г. Райков заявил, что С. Глазьева с его блоком народно-патриотических сил не рассматривает как серьезного конкурента на выборах», actually without discrediting the leader, but, paying to him much attention, that is in this case a piar trick.

One of most charismatic politicians V.Zhirinovski due to the pre-election activity has entered our weekly rating. August 27 in «Arguments and facts» was published the interview with V.Zhirinovski about the multy-party system in Russia.

The newspaper «Russian courier» from of the same date has devoted a big article to the evaluation of positive and negative sides of V.Zhirinovski and to the analysis of his political way.

To touch and to quote countless mass media materials further, is senseless. The basic technologies used I have described above. In general practically all the press actively used piar of parties, and the greatest attention was paid to pleasing the authority «left». It goes without saying, if in the press only positive materials appeared, it would provoke mistrust and doubts, that’s why the press took very active intrigues and disputable nuances. In these elections influence of the authority on mass media has worked more, than the financial opportunities, as it was once with Eltsin. The fears of mass media owners of the possible Kremlin actions are seen. Evaluating political realities mass media were rather objective, but caution was felt .

The state publications tried to have nothing with strong criticism, stressing the achieved, while independent ones concentrated mostly on criticism.

Among mass media especially strong criticism of authority expressed Moscow radio stations («Silver rain», «Free radio»), as far as objectivity is concerned, then “Moscow Echo” stood out.

It is worth mentioning, that in Eltsin times the press was more free. And criticizing mass media approach to the publications, despite of apparent frivolity very reasonable. It is easy to notice, comparing the materials with western views (that «Newsweek» or Polish «Trybuna» and “Wprost“).

On screens of TV brightly caught one’s eyes epatering conceit of V.Zhirinovski, a new figure drew attention- S.Glazjev. It turned out on mass media pages, that Glazjev`s electorate is not only " KPRF betraying" voters. It is much bigger. As a matter of fact, the block played along the hall perimeter, to be more correct – it tried to ignore this perimeter, actually changed the idea about the political configuration. In this sense the remark of Sergej Glazjev is to the point , «сегодня борьба идет не между "правыми" и "левыми", как принято считать, а между интересами олигархов и остального общества». And block`s task is– «переломить ситуацию в пользу населения страны». (newspaper «Pravda » 28.11.03.)
Working for the interests of “the public, resisting oligarchs" is a condition, which changed the idea about the potential Glazjev electorate. You see, the society is mostly communistic electorate, to work with Varenniov was probably provided it in the block. This electorate is also centrist (according to one of the leaders of the block and chief of a pre-election staff Dmitrij Rogozin, "Родина" будет конкурировать с "партией власти" и всеми ее "филиалами" - IA" Comrade "). This is also a patriotic electorate – there is a paratrooper in the block Shpak. In the end this is a reasonably- right electorate , which can strike even the ideas of Glazjev himself about the natural rent, and the presence of the banker Gerashchenko in the list should arise in him positive reaction.

As for Mr.Gryzlov, he appeared t in TV debates least of all (and I believe it is not only because of insufficiency of charisma), the party has chosen a way «a tour on Russia». However, URF, also turned up with its visiting of Russian nooks, but the TV showed it with the maximal restrictions.

And so, we shall stop on the winner «Edinaya Russia», showing it as an example of using of dirty technologies in this political campaign. Though it is difficult to find an obvious example undisguised usage of dirty technologies, as actually game was led very sophisticated. In general it is necessary to notice here, that they try in such large political actions to avoid to use dirty technologies. But, nevertheless, I’d like to analyze the victory of «Edinaya Russia» on the whole political scene of Russia.

Long before the beginning of the pre-election campaign it was clear, that the winner here can only be the Kremlin party. The members said without thinking for a while that in Russia works the principle «демократии в сочетании с элементами управления». Though, in general, there is nothing new in what has, it is only the next stage in a thousand year history of authoritarian power in Russia, with a new V.Putin embodiment. It is he who is also an explanation of success of the party, completely colorless, but having in among them some tens of the officials with higher positions, besides about 30 governors.
And the attention now should be paid only to the plans and ideas of the president, because the Duma (as has declared Andrej Piontkovski, the Chief of the Moscow Centre of strategic researches) has turned today in « toothless debatable club », which members are anxious only about chasing for money and privileges. The times, when it (Duma) threw challenged Kremlin, expressing the vote of no-confidence to the government (as it was, for example, in June 1995-th, after events in Budenovsk, and disappointments with Eltsin reforms), now far behind.

«Edinaya Russia» would not have even a chance, neither in America, nor in the majority of the European countries. Not having even of the common well thought over political program (I’ve already wrote above it), they, nevertheless, were not troubled with competitive struggle with the representatives of other parties- they voluntary have refused to participate in pre-election television debate. It was enough for them that the channels, belonging to the state, up to distraction were broadcasting , how leaders of a party (and at the same time and members of government - minister of interior Boris Gryzlov and Sergej Shajgu, minister of the Russian Federation of CD and Extreme situations) went around the country, being engaged in «более важными делами простых людей». Not subjecting themselves thus to inconvenient questions on the part of the political from opponents and journalists in the studio. The charges for their adventures (through eleven time zones - from St.Petersburg up to Vladivostok) were paid by their tax bearers, as officially both ministers carried out the duties.

It is only one of the examples so-called administrative means usage on a large scale, as in Russia conditionally call authority abusing.

«It is not important how the people votes - it is important, how they are estimated» - said Сталин. And, it is such a pity, the last elections have given an obvious hint, that the phrase is still urgent. The idea has adapted to the needs of a new system, which definitely has features of democracy, but, in effect, still remains authoritarian.

The leader of the oppositional «Yabloko» G.Yavlinski declares, that in Moscow and other large cities falsification, varying the results by some of per cent is a norm, while on the periphery the scale is much higher and can reach a half. It would be possible to take the application for simple insult, but why such application does not arise in most of the European states …

Parties usually know, what to expect and the number of electorate has been estimated long before the elections.

To vote for «the authority party» by all means huge army of the officials were inclined (what I‘ve mentioned using concrete examples above). Their task was simplification of away Kremlin minion. One of the parties – rivals was even stopped on the way to the victory. Mikhail Hodorkovki`s arrest has blocked a source of financing of Liberals from «Yabloko», besides has compromised in eyes of the voters their party, as supporting shadow economy. On the place of stay of the firm conducting the PE-company of «Yabloko», the authorities have carried out auditing, having taken away all the computers with all their contents.

With Hodorkovski`s attack, who has been accused according to article 7 of the criminal Code, the Kremlin party began its way to the victory.

Kremlin tried to convince the citizens, that benefit out of six-percentage economic growth oligarchs will not take any more, and the money will be spent, at least, on modernization of system of heating and on the increase of wages to the teachers and workers of medical services.

The state mass media in eager rivalry demonstrated to the Russian people (earning on 120 $ per one month) the humiliated air of the richest citizen of Russia, whose wealth was estimated in 8 billion. $. The fact of arrest has inspired the voters so much, that the rating of Putin in a month has risen from 70 % up to 82%. The similar picture has happened to «Edinaya Russia».

For the pro-Putin block a hunt for oligarchs and struggle with corruption in pre-election campaign has appeared to be that good moment in the Russian, as well as, in due time, intervention in Chechnay.

Does not it seems strange, that «Yabloko» party was sacrificed to the law, balancing on the verge of 5 % of a selective level, instead of the main opponent - communists? The answer here is supposed to be simple: «Yabloko», with a well-organized program and precise purposes, which they are not going to leave, are capable to challenge the authority, while KPRF- rather advantageous opposition. Being considered a party of war veterans and pensioners as a whole, they create the illusion of opposition, though, in fact, are easily involved in all kinds of manipulations and rather corruptible (I‘ve also already mentioned, speaking about mass media participation in pre-election campaign).

Such political practice did not let, in general, participation in the elections any other candidates, who could further be of any threat for the anointed sovereigns of Kremlin in one-mandatory districts. In Buryatiya various reasons for the registration refusal to Y.Skuratov, the former public prosecutor of the Russian Federation, announced by Putin videotape, where Skuratov has a good time with prostitutes. The candidate Kusk governor Alexander Rutakoj has been removed) from the electionsa nominee of the (in 1993 he was the leader (as vice-president) of anti-Eltsin putch.

The Russians take these election rather apathetically. According to the Russian sociologist, Yurij Levada nobody expected neither change of a political course, nor essential personal changes in political system.

Willy-nilly a question arises, why was everything decided from above, the inequality in forces was obvious, and the ratings elections corresponded to the interests of the Kremlin leader –the elections aroused in Putin so much emotions. Why the president so obviously expressed his sympathies, not trying to not show suitable in such situations at impartiality?

V.Putin, undoubtedly, regarded parliamentary elections, as warming up before the second, presidential ones. And though the elections of the president in Russia should be held only in March 2004г., V.Putin cared not only about his own lot, but also ,that his supporters would receive in the Duma the majority of places , necessary for the subsequent change of the constitution (301 out of 450 votes). Till now such an overweight was possible only if to buy votes of V.Zhirinovski supporters and to achieve tactical mutual agreements with «Yabloko» and «URF».

In the TV appearance Putin has declared, that the new Duma will decide «how president’s actions will be limited, whether he will be capable to carry out the duties or not ».

De jure, from my point if view, «Edinaya Russia» needed constant majority was to carry out economic reforms, which should, as Putin has declared, by 2010 to increase twice GDP. De facto, it is likely for Putin to make changes in the constitution allowing him to stay in power after the expiration of the second term.

Here the matter concerns, to my mind, not only political career of Vladimir Vladimirovich, but also specificity of the Russian state as a whole. In the documents everything looks more or less appropriate. The regular elections - from local up to presidential are held. The authority is legitimate. Parties organize public debates and even shout after the elections about the drawbacks. But last elections, in my opinion, have given a significant ground to make a conclusion about authoritarianism of the system. The independent arbitrators become the supporters of Kremlin; mass media was dancing to the authority’s tune. At the centre of researches of public opinion (RPO), the authority unexpectedly changes the management, as their data do not correspond to the planned. Many workers have left, being afraid, that pro-Putin party that was ahead of KPRF only by some pro cent will gain a victory with extreme break. But also it is not surprising, you see, it was possible to assume the results long before the elections.

The political campaign itself, as a whole, was organized quite well, smoothly and professionally. V.Putin himself «having broken» «right» has just at once offered them favorable job placement, having presented his condolences to them.

Appendix №1

Political parties, having the right to participate in the State Duma elections of the 4th convocation (enumerated according to the order of their registration).

1. National party of the Russian Federation (Геннадий Райков as a leader).

2. Democratic Party of Russia (Михаил Прусак).

3. All-Russian party “Unity and Motherland-Edinaya Russia” (Борис Грызлов).

4. Conservative party of Russia (ex-leader Лев Убожко died on 20th of August ,2003,a new leader is not elected yet).

5. Russian party of Peace and Unity (Сажи Умалатова).

6. “National patriotic Forces of the RF” (Шмидт Дзоблаев).

7. ”Private business development” (Иван Грачев).

8. Communist party of the RF (Геннадий Зюганов).

9. Russian party of Peace (Иосиф Кобзон).

10. Union of right forces (Борис Немцов).

11. Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (Владимир Жириновский).

12. National Russian political party “Union” (Александр Проханов).

13. Russian Democratic Party “Yabloko” (Григорий Явлинский).

14. Russian party of workers’ self-government (Левон Чахмахчан).

15. Russian party of labor (Олег Шеин).

16. United Russian party “Русь” (ИгорьТитов)

17. Russian party of pensioners (Сергей Атрошенко).

18. Social-democratic party of Russia (Михаил Горбачев, Константин Титов).

19. Russian ecological party “the Green” (Анатолий Панфилов).

20. Agrarian party of Russia (Михаил Лапшин).

21. “Freedom and Democracy” (Виктор Черепков).

22. “Eurasia “(Александр Дугин).

23. Party of National revival “Народная воля” (Сергей Бабурин).

24. Republican Party of Russia (Борис Федоров, Владимир Лысенко).

25. Socialist united party of Russia (“Духовное наследие”) (Алексей Подберезкин).

26. Russian communist working class party – Russian communist party (Анатолий Крючков, Виктор Тюлькин).

27. «Созидание» (Михаил Моисеев)

28. National-patriotic party of Russia (Игорь Родионов)

29. Russian party of life (Сергей Миронов).

30. Russian net party of small and middle business support”(Александр Рявкин).

31. Conceptual party “Edinenie” (Константин Петров).

32. National-republican party of Russia (Владимир Кушнеренко).

33. “International Russia” (Омар Бегов).

34. Russian united industrial party (Елена Панина).

35. Eurasian party – Union of patriots of Russia (Абдул-Вахед Ниязов).

36. “Za svaytuyu Rus” (Сергей Попов).

37. “Liberal Russia” (Виктор Похмелкин, Борис Золотухин).

38. Party of social justice (Лариса Бабух, Мария Лазутова, Михаил Карпенко, Анатолий Сидоренко, Борис Томаев, Анатолий Шабанов, Владимир Шадриков).

39. “Real patriots” (Заур Раджабов).

40. Revival of Russia party (Геннадий Селезнев).

41. Civic party of Russia (Дамир Серажетдинов).

42. Russian Constitutional-Democratic party (Вячеслав Волков).

43. Party of Russian regions (Сергей Глазьев, Олег Денисов, Олег Кутафин, Юрий Скоков, Шамиль Султанов, Валентин Чистяков).

44. Union of people for education and science (Вячеслав Игрунов).